Mittelman, James H. The Globalization Syndrome: Transformation and Resistance. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 2000. 286 pp.
The Globalization Syndrome is one of the many books authored by James Mittelman. This book aims to explain the dynamics of globalization, its myriad consequences and the varied responses to this trend. The research for this book was carried out in Eastern Asian and Southern African countries, including Japan, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore and Vietnam, as well as Botswana, Mozambique, South Africa and Zimbabwe.
In this book, Mittelman argues that globalization is not a single, unified phenomenon but rather a syndrome of processes and activities. He then points out that the interactions among the global division of labor and power (GDLP), the new regionalism and resistance politics are integral to the globalization syndrome. According to him, these three factors stand out as central to the transformations in world order.
To support and substantiate his claim, Mittelman presents his arguments in the three parts of his book. Part I examines the changing division of labor and power. This part consists of four chapters focusing on the theories of division of labor and the key facets of GDLP such as migration, poverty and gender, and marginalization. Part II focuses on regionalism and globalization. It consists of three chapters dealing with the concept of new regionalism, hegemony and regionalism, and subregional responses to globalization. Part III, which probes resistance to globalization, is divided into chapters on the concept of resistance, environmental countermovements and organized crime groups.
For Mittelman, globalization is not just the compression of time and space, or an increase in interconnections or interdependence among nation-states. For him:
As experienced from below, the dominant form of globalization means a historical transformation: in the economy, of livelihoods and modes of existence; in politics, a loss in the degree of control exercised locally—for some, however little to begin with—such that the locus of power gradually shifts in varying proportions above and below the territorial state; and in culture, a devaluation of a collectivity’s achievements or perceptions of them. This structure, in turn, may engender either accommodation or resistance. (p. 6)
By interpreting globalization as a historical transformation in world order, Mittelman was able to emphasize the relationships among the political, economic and cultural dimensions of globalization. The analytical framework he used focuses on the interactions among the three factors of globalization which, as I have mentioned, include the GDLP, the new regionalism and resistance politics.
Mittelman proposed the GDLP perspective to add structural depth to the classical and contemporary division-of-labor theories. The GDLP construct is based on the conventional theory of division of labor, which centers on the concept of specialization in the production process and trade, and on the new international division-of-labor thesis, which focuses on the spatial reorganization of production—that is, the shift of manufacturing from advanced capitalist countries to developing countries. Mittelman provides a summary of the GDLP concept:
The GDLP may…be understood as consisting of a series of interrelated processes: a restructuring among world regions; large-scale transfers of population within and between them; chains that interlink multiple production processes, buyers, and sellers in a variety of ways; and emerging transnational cultural networks that shape and facilitate these flows. (p. 226)
In his discussion of the GDLP, the author emphasized the link between global restructuring of production and migration, as well as the interactions among globalization, poverty, gender and marginalization. He noted that the global restructuring of production led to large-scale transfers of population from developing countries to advanced capitalist nations. Globalized production also led to the feminization of labor in both old and new zones of economic development. However, women in the workforce receive lower wages than their male counterparts and experience limited possibilities for promotion. Based on his observation and research findings, Mittelman revealed that higher levels of globalization mean more poverty and marginalization both within and between territorial units. According to him, globalization has furthered marginalization because it excludes certain groups from playing a central role in the growth mechanisms of the world economy and achieving meaningful participation in decision making. Mittelman asserts that globalization offers unparalleled economic opportunities for some, but it also reconfigures the incidence of poverty within and between countries.
The neoliberal perspective, which provides the rationale for measures that propel globalization, claims that integration into the international capitalist economy is the solution to the problem of poverty. Mittelman, on the other hand, believes that the best way to alleviate poverty is to re-embed the economy in society. He claims that “the rise in the number of people living under poverty is attributable to the delinking of society and economy—a disembedding of economy from society” (p. 76).
Another aspect of globalization that the author discussed is the new regionalism. Mittelman thinks that regionalism is emerging as a potent force in globalizing processes today. However, compared to the older paradigm of regional cooperation, the new regionalism is more comprehensive and multifaceted. The different levels of regionalism discussed in this book include macroregionalism, subregionalism and microregionalism.
While the United States employs regionalism as an instrument to sustain hegemony, Mittelman asserts that in some parts of the developing world regional processes are used to seek greater access to global capital. These processes may entail the creation of subregional groupings such as growth triangles and polygons in Eastern Asia and transfrontier parks in Southern Africa. Such initiatives, however, transcend national borders and infringe on sovereignty (p. 277).
The power component of the GDLP and in the new regionalism provokes resistance politics. To better explain the meaning of resistance in the context of globalization, Mittelman revisited the works of three social theorists: Antonio Gramsci’s concept of counterhegemony, Karl Polanyi’s notion of countermovements, and James C. Scott’s idea of infrapolitics.
For Gramsci, “hegemony is established when power and control over everyday life are perceived as emanating from “self-government” (i.e., self-government of individuals embedded in communities) as opposed to an external source(s) such as the state or the dominant strata” (p. 166). Hegemony, then, requires the participation of subordinate groups. Gramsci said that these groups may either support or resist hegemony. Resistance to hegemony or counterhegemony comes in two forms: wars of movement and wars of position. Wars of movement are frontal assaults against the state (e.g. labor strikes and military action), while wars of position are nonviolent resistance designed to impede everyday functions of the state (e.g. boycotts). The objective of both types of war is to seize control of the state; however, with globalization, the state may or may not be the target of resistance.
Polanyi’s contribution in the literature of resistance focuses on his notion of the double movement. He argued that the expansion of the market during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries sparked protective measures or countermovements. According to Mittelman, the Polanyian notion of double movement “allows one to conceptualize contemporary social movements as a form of resistance” (p. 170).
Another way to understand resistance to globalization is through Scott’s idea of infrapolitics. Infrapolitics is defined “as everyday forms of resistance conducted singularly and collectively, but which fall short of openly declared contestations” (p. 172). Infrapolitical activities may take various forms, including foot-dragging, squatting, gossip and the development of dissident subcultures.
Using these three theorists’ works, Mittelman developed a framework for understanding resistance to contemporary globalization. Mittelman’s analysis of the three works enabled him to determine the forms, agents, sites and strategies of resistance to globalization. Based on his discussion, resistance to globalization may be open and publicly declared or may be more subtle, latent and expressed in everyday life. The author also used his analysis to discuss resistance to globalization in the environmental realm.
The environment, Mittelman says, may be understood as a political space where civil society is voicing its concerns. Hence, the environment represents a marker where resistance to globalization is manifest. Environmental problems that emerged alongside globalization include global warming, acute loss of biodiversity, transborder pollution and groundwater contamination among others (p. 179).
Globalization is not only associated with environmental problems, it is also considered as a factor leading to the growth of organized crime groups. Organized crime groups are not only embodiments of certain features of neoliberal globalization, these groups are resistance movements as well for they operate outside neoliberal structures of legitimate authority and power and undermine what are generally regarded as the licit channels of the market (p. 203).
Mittelman’s analysis of globalization and organized crime focused on the link between global crime organizations and changing state structures, especially the state’s courtesan role. Mittelman considered the state as playing a courtesan role because it serves dominant interests embodied in the neoliberal global political economy (p. 25).
In his discussion, Mittelman contends that globalization provides opportunities for illegal activities. He points out that there is a tendency for criminal groups to “step into the breach wrought by globalizing tendencies, offering security when police and other authorities are implicated in crime, as well as when the state fails to ensure the rudiments of safety, justice, or equity” (p. 208). According to Mittelman, these are the very conditions under which civil society can become corrupt. The corruption of the civil society is a result of the inability of the state to carry out some of its function. When states become susceptible to organized crime, contempt for the law catalyzes attitudes and other activities, including vigilantism.
As a whole, Mittelman advanced four core arguments in this book. First, the dominant form of globalization is experienced as a historical transformation of a collectivity’s livelihoods and modes of existence, a lessening of political control, and a devaluation of its cultural achievements and perceptions of them. Globalization, in this sense, is not a single phenomenon but a syndrome of processes and activities. Second, globalization is a triangulated structure. Although there are other aspects of globalization, this book specifically focused on the global division of labor and power, the new regionalism and resistance to globalization. The third argument advanced in this book is that globalization is a multidimensional process. The author states that “in the shift toward globalization, there is a reciprocal relationship among economic processes, the state, and society” (p. 228). Lastly, Mittelman asserts that although the contemporary globalization architecture is cast in a neoliberal framework, there are different political strategies for redesigning it. Two options have been presented: the first involves modifications in globalization without challenging its underlying structures, and the second calls for the destruction of this paradigm, or counterglobalization, which entails an attack on the ideas and type of policies that form the bedrock of neoliberalism (p. 242).
Mittelman argues against the notion that globalization is unstoppable. He asserts that globalization is a combination of processes made by humans; therefore, globalization can be shaped by humans. Efforts to reshape globalization are apparent in resistance movements against globalization.
Mittelman believes that globalization offers many benefits, including gains in productivity, technological advances, more jobs, broader access to consumer products at lower cost, and reductions in poverty in some parts of the world. However, acceptance of being encompassed in globalization lessens the political control exercised by the encompassed, especially in the least powerful and poorest zones of the global political economy. Furthermore, the penetration of world markets and increased polarization on a world level erode cultural traditions (p. 5).
A syntopical reading of Kenichi Ohmae’s End of the Nation State and Mittelman’s book revealed the difference in both authors’ views concerning the future of the nation state in an era of globalization. In his book, Ohmae (1995) advanced the idea that, in today’s global economy, the nation state is becoming obsolete. Ohmae contends that the relatively unimpeded flows of information, investment, industry and individuals across national borders have rendered nation states largely unnecessary. Mittelman, on the other hand, asserts that the state is not dwindling. For him, the state is not declining, but rather restructuring in its role as an agent in globalization processes. Mittelman reiterates this view in his book Whither Globalization? The Vortex of Knowledge and Identity. In that book, Mittelman claims that the principle of territoriality still matters even if certain global flows transcend national borders.
While Ohmae’s End of the Nation State offered a look at globalization primarily in economic terms. In this book, Mittelman was able to present a multilevel analysis of globalization. He was able to connect the economic, political and cultural dimensions of globalization. In this sense, this work is similar to that of Robert Holton’s Globalization and the Nation-State. Holton (1998) also offered insights into the economic, political and cultural aspects of globalization. The difference of Mittelman’s work, however, has to do with its focus on the experiences of those who are hurt by globalization and those who resist it.
Since Mittelman’s focus is on resistance to globalization and the transformation brought by this global trend in the world order, his work emphasized the negative consequences of globalization (e.g. poverty, marginalization, erosion of cultural traditions, environmental problems and global organized crime) more than the benefits that can be gained from adopting this global framework. In spite of this, I still think that Mittelman did a thorough study and that he was able to provide a critical analysis of globalization.
I agree with the ideas he presented in this book, particularly on his views concerning the interrelationships among globalization, marginalization, poverty and gender. Back in my college days, we have discussed in class the reasons behind poverty and marginalization, particularly of women, but it is only after reading The Globalization Syndrome that I truly understand the connection between globalization and poverty and marginalization. The global organized crime is another interesting topic for me. In his discussion of this topic, Mittelman was able to provide a very clear explanation for the rise of organized crime groups. It even made me think of what other illegal activities will emerge in the future.
The Globalization Syndrome is invaluable for students who have very little knowledge of what globalization entails. I have chosen to review this book because I am interested in knowing more about this subject. Reading this book has widened my knowledge of issues associated with globalization. I also gained insights into the dynamics of globalization, its consequences and the varied responses of those who resist it.
References
Holton, R. J. (1998). Globalization and the Nation-State. New York: St. Martin’s Press.
Mittelman, J. H. (2004). Whither Globalization? The Vortex of Knowledge and Identity. London and New York: Routledge.
Ohmae, K. (1995). End of the Nation State: The Rise of Regional Economics. Fress Press.
